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Only Cowen can put flesh on the bones of banking inquiry

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Star witness...former Taoiseach Brian Cowen.

World of Politics with Harry McGee – harrymcgee@gmail.com

From the moment of its conception, the idea of a banking inquiry was controversial. And why would it not be? It was part and parcel of the manifestos of both Fine Gael and the Labour Party and was included in the Programme of Government.

There was never a sliver of doubt that the one political party that would be on the backfoot in any inquiry would be Fianna Fáil, which was in the wheelhouse when the economy hit the rocks.

The reality was that some form of an independent inquiry was needed. Sure there had been three inquiries including Frederick Nyberg’s Commission of Investigation (which I believe told us all we needed to know).

But these were commissioned by the Government that had caused the crash and, no matter how brilliant they were, there would always be a political shadow cast over them.

There were some outstanding questions that had not been answered – and, in my opinion, may never be.

Most of them revolve around the famous night of the bank guarantee in the autumn of 2008 when the Government gave blanket protection to five ‘systemically important’ banks. These included Anglo Irish Bank and Irish Nationwide – whose ultimate role in the system was to collapse it.

From the start, Fianna Fáil – and to a lesser extent, the Greens – claimed that any inquiry set up by the Coalition would be a political show-trial.

Indeed, some of the comments from leading Fine Gael and Labour politicians at the time of the 2011 election, and afterwards, suggested the outcome would be sackcloth and ashes for Fianna Fáil.

Sure, some politicians on the government side were motivated politically and if the inquiry were to make a whipping boy of Fianna Fáil, so much the better.

That said, there were many unanswered questions left hanging from the decade of excess that required addressing. On balance, there was a public desire for a fuller and more public inquiry, even though it would probably prolong Fianna Fáil’s time in political purgatory.

It was essential, therefore, to maintain independence the inquiry take place as soon as possible into the new Government’s term. There was no point is starting hearings almost on the eve of the next election because then it would be no more than a nakedly political exercise refreshing people’s memories about the last time Fianna Fáil was in power.

Unfortunately, that is the way it has almost turned out to be, by accident as much as by design.

Howlin, the Minister for Public Reform, did try to move quickly. The Government wanted it to be a parliamentary inquiry rather than a Tribunal (too long and much too costly) or a Commission of Investigation (that’s what Nyberg was).

But there was a difficulty. A previous parliamentary inquiry into the shooting by Gardaí of John Carthy in Abbeylara, Co Longford, had come to a sudden halt after a successful High Court challenge.

For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.

Connacht Tribune

The fine art of good timing when it comes to elections

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Charlie Haughey...snap election backfired on him.

World of Politics with Harry McGee

Academically, politics is described as a science. But in the real world, it’s more of an art – and one of the big decisions a Government has to make is to decide when to call an election.

Will they see out the full term, or will they go early – either to mitigate the damage they will ship, or to secure a victory before things go awry, or the economy takes a dip, or some kind of controversy erupts?

Timing is everything.

And there’s a bit of art to that – not to mention a lot of luck. If you call it early and win big, you’re a genius. If you call it early and lose, you are the political version of the village fool.

Charlie Haughey was a poor judge of the public mood. Twice he called snap elections and on both occasions they backfired. Haughey succeeded Jack Lynch as Taoiseach in late 1979 and did not – technically – have his own mandate. He tried to remedy that by calling an election in 1981. But it recoiled. Ray MacSharry warned him not to hold it during the H Block hunger strikes when republican prisoners were dying each day. He did not listen to the advice and found himself out of office.

After his return to power in 1987, Haughey tired of presiding over a minority government that kept on losing votes in the Oireachtas (the opposition won nine private members motions).

So he called a snap general election and it backfired. Fianna Fáil lost seats and had to broker a coalition deal with the Progressive Democrats and his long-standing political adversary Dessie O’Malley.

For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.

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Inch protest arguments are more subtle than Oughterard

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Minister Roderic O’Gorman: promise of more emergency beds.

World of Politics with Harry McGee

I was cycling down Mount Street in Dublin on Tuesday. It’s a wide esplanade that links the Grand Canal with Merrion Square. The street is a mixture of fine Georgian buildings and modern office blocks.

About half-way down is the office of the International Protection Office, which deals with asylum seekers who have arrived in the country.

Needless to say, the office has been overwhelmed in the past year. Besides an estimated 80,000 refugees who have arrived from Ukraine, there have been about 20,000 people from other parts of the world who have arrived into Dublin (mostly) claiming asylum.

The numbers peaked around Christmas, but they have been falling a little. In January, more than 1,300 people arrived seeking asylum but the numbers fell back to 831 and 858, in February and March respectively.

They are still huge numbers in a historical context.

So back to my cycle on Tuesday. I knew that some asylum seekers were camping outside the International Protection Office, but I was taken aback by how many. There were six tents lined up on the pavement directly outside. Then on the ramp that led down to the basement carpark on the side of the building, there were about another 20 tents.

It looked like what it was, a refugee camp in the middle of Dublin’s business district. If you pan out from Mount Street, you will find tents here and there in nearby streets and alleys. There were a good few tents in an alleyway off Sandwith Street about 500 metres away.

For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.

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Sinn Féin hunt for seats in ‘locals’ across Galway

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Sinn Féin's Cathal Ó Conchúir, Mairéad Farrell and Mark Lohan all lost their seats in Galway City in 2019

World of Politics with Harry McGee

God that was a dramatic and historic weekend in England, wasn’t it? So much excitement, so much change, so much hype, so much out with the old and in with the new, and what looks like the coronation of a new leader. Yes, the local elections in Britain were something else weren’t they!

Apologies for not going on about King Charles III but the contract I signed when I became a lifelong republican forbids me to discuss the topic!

I know the British local elections sound a bit boring by comparison, but the results were stunning.

The Conservatives lost nearly 1,000 seats, the British Labour Party gained almost 500 and both the Lib Dems (with 350 gains) and the Greens (gaining over 200) also had amazing days at the polls.

It was Labour’s best day since 2002 but its victory was only partial. The Greens and the Lib Dems actually made gains at the expense of Labour in more affluent areas, and in parts of Britain where there were high numbers of graduates.

It was in the Red Wall constituencies in the North of England where the Labour recovery was strongest. These are working class constituencies with pockets of deprivation where people voted for the Labour Party forever. But all of those constituencies voted for Brexit and then voted for the Tories in the next general election. Labour is now winning back some of those votes.

Local elections are classified as second-tier elections which essentially means – from a national perspective – they are not life-or-death affairs, and not everything turns on them. Of course, it’s really important to have good local representation. But they are not an amazing weather vane for who rules the country.

For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.

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Or purchase the Digital Edition for PC, Mac or Laptop from Pagesuite  HERE.

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