Galway in Days Gone By
Galway In Days Gone By
1911
Opening old wounds
“The incoherent explanation of the Irish Office will convince many that what was most feared in Ireland is true – namely, that the British Government, while negotiations for ‘peace’ are in progress, while a truce is in operation, have set about organising the most horrible of all kinds of war in Ireland – the fanatical religious wars of the seventeenth century.”
Ireland has very good reason to be suspicious of English politicians who come to her bearing gifts. We need scarcely wonder that the revelations so opportunely made during the week of an attempt to raise a secret Orange army have created a spirit of uneasiness throughout the country.
If there is to be Irish Peace, all parties to that peace must work steadily towards it. There must be sincerity and plain dealing and these presuppose good-will, the sedulous avoidance of causes of friction, and the preparation for a period when uncertainties and tragedies of to-day will have passed into an evil memory.
So far as Ireland outside the six counties in concerned, the manner in which the Truce has been observed has won the admiration even of those of our political enemies who are not altogether blinded by prejudice. Nothing has been done either by word or action that would embarrass the men who are charged with the high task of bringing to Ireland the greatest of all gifts – namely, a lasting peace – and of bringing to England that which her politicians declare they most ardently desire – namely, an end to the century-old conflict that has embarrassed them in every corner of the globe where friendly international relations are of vital importance to their wellbeing.
Whilst the majority of people in Ireland have left no doubt as to their earnest desire for an honourable settlement, the scenes that have taken place in the home of the Partition Parliament since Friday last are such as to shock humanity.
Whilst it was learned last evening that the Curlew restrictions and the steps taken by the authorities had restored tranquillity for a time, it was also learned that two further victims had succumbed to the uncontrolled mob.
The death of these two who had been wounded in the previous day’s rioting brings the number of victims during the week in Belfast up to the alarming total of twenty, whilst over seventy have been wounded, and many more have been rendered homeless.
In the midst of these horrors, it is openly charged against the British Government, which is negotiating with Ireland for peace, that it is at the same time secretly conniving at the establishment of an “Ulster” Army, which, as the Parliament of the North-East has no funds, the Government will obviously finance.
For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.
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Connacht Tribune
Galway In Days Gone By
1923
Gloom after war
The special correspondent of the “Independent”, who has been writing of the aftermath of civil war in the West, notes that a feeling of apathy, due to the uncertainty of events, exists amongst the sorely-tried people of Connemara; that politics are referred to only with disgust and that not more than fifty per cent. of the people would vote at a general election; that poverty and unemployment are rife, and there is a growing tendency towards emigration; and that there are bitter complaints of the huge impost of rates and taxes.
It is only too true that there is enough of material for the pessimist to brood over, and that a feeling of gloom permeates country towns. But it is a poor tribute to patriotism that has survived such horrors to encourage this gloom.
It is the duty of all of us to get this pessimism out of the national body and to rid ourselves of the notion that we have not enough Christianity and moral sense left to restore our people to cheerful and ordered progress and industry.
For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.
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Galway in Days Gone By
Galway In Days Gone By
1923
Peace negotiations
As we go to press, An Dáil is discussing the Peace negotiations between the Government and Mr. de Valera. It was announced on Wednesday for the first time that such negotiations were begun following Mr. de Valera’s “cease fire” proclamation of April 27, and that by the 30th of the month Senators Andrew Jameson and James Douglas were asked by him to discuss proposals.
They said it was for the Government to discuss; they could only confer. Into the ensuring conferences the Government declined to enter personally, but on May 3 the senators placed before Mr. de Valera the Cabinet’s terms, which were that future issues should be decided by the majority vote of the elected representatives of the people, and that as a corollary and a preliminary to the release of prisoners, all lethal weapons should be in the custody and control of the Executive Government.
Mr. de Valera relied to this on May 7 with a document in which he agreed to majority rule and control of arms, but added that arms should be stored in a suitable building in each province under armed Republican guard until after the elections in September, that the oath should not be made a test in the councils of the nation, and that all political prisoners should be released immediately on the signing of this agreement.
“You have brought back to us,” wrote President Cosgrave, “not an acceptance of our conditions, but a long and wordy document inviting debate where none is possible”.
For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.
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Connacht Tribune
Galway In Days Gone By
1923
State of the parties
Speculation as to parties after the next Irish elections is exceedingly interesting, especially in view of the enlarged franchise.
In Dublin, the view appears to be held by a number of people that Labour will make a great bid for power.
Dublin, however, has a curiously insular habit of thought where matters that concern all Ireland and in which Ireland has a say are concerned. We hope this insularity will rapidly disappear under the new conditions.
The country as a whole is backing the Farmers’ Party, and has not the smallest doubt that it will be the strongest combination in the next Dáil, and that it will oust the purely political parties, the one because it has resorted to force, the other because it has been compelled to use force to supress force, and the Labour Party because Ireland feels that at the back of its policy lurks the danger of Communism.
For more, read this week’s Connacht Tribune.
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